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Trump Is Hardly Libertarian. But Neither Is Today’s Libertarian Party

Trump Is Hardly Libertarian. But Neither Is Today’s Libertarian Party

His upcoming appearance at the Libertarian convention says more about the party than him.

Peter Goettler

We know by now that Donald Trump likes nothing better than stepping onto a stage, hearing his name chanted by an adoring crowd, and flashing his familiar thumbs‐​up sign. This week, the former president will do just that under the bright lights at the Libertarian National Convention in D.C.

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It will be the first time in U.S. history that a presidential candidate of a rival party will address the convention of a party that is presumably gathering to nominate its own candidate. And this strange turn of events has many libertarians scratching their heads.

With a razor‐​thin electoral college contest in the offing this November, it’s clear that any play for incremental support is worth Trump’s effort and could make the difference. But what’s in it for the National Libertarian Party? The answer, unfortunately, reveals the truth about today’s party: It’s hardly libertarian anymore.

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Libertarianism, at its core, is the modern manifestation of classical liberalism, the transformative movement that, beginning in the 18th century, challenged monarchs, autocrats, mercantilism, caste society, slavery and religious persecution. As heirs to that tradition, libertarians believe in individual freedom, equality under the law, pluralism, toleration, free speech, freedom of religion, government by consent of the governed, the rule of law, private property, free markets and limited constitutional government.

I often hear people say that many Americans are libertarians without even realizing it. But few would count Trump as one. As president, Trump did several things in economic and foreign policy that any libertarian can support, such as signing the 2017 tax cuts and rejecting military adventurism overseas.

But the list of Trump policies and postures that libertarians oppose is long and dangerous. He allowed government spending and debt to continue to spiral upward, increasing the national debt by $8.4 trillion. Federal outlays soared from $4 trillion his first year (2017) to $6.8 trillion in his last year. He persists in railing against immigration and free trade, supports further expansion of presidential power and seeks to crack down on political enemies. The Libertarian Party itself said it best in a 2018 statement: “Whatever libertarian impulses Trump the candidate seemed to have … his actual performance as president stands in stark contrast.”

Of course, both the Republican and Democratic parties share an addiction to executive power. And neither is above using extralegal means to accomplish policy objectives, as demonstrated by President Biden’s brazen efforts to cancel student loan debt. And, of course, the supreme example is the Capitol riot of Jan. 6, 2021, a tragic event that celebrated a total disregard for the peaceful transfer of power and constitutional order. Libertarians know that the Constitution and the rule of law are essential elements in keeping government power constrained.

In truth, Trump’s appearance this week says as much about the Libertarian Party as it does about him. The party has had its ups and downs and some embarrassing moments throughout its history. But its problems more often arose from amateurism and fractiousness rather than malice, the inevitable effect of being a small third party in a two‐​party system.

But today’s party leadership has been taken over by a faction that places it well outside the bounds of libertarianism altogether and appears comfortable with right‐​wing authoritarianism. Some tweets issued from state libertarian parties and other libertarian operators can only be described as shockingly racist or antisemitic — the Libertarian Party of Michigan, for instance, posted a cartoon portraying Jews as puppet masters of the Democratic and Republican parties — and would be more welcome on the alt‐​right than among true libertarians.

This is not what traditional libertarians represent and it isn’t aligned with the position of most Americans. And with the two‐​party duopoly stacking the deck against true political competition in our country, Americans are making it clear they’ve had enough. Quietly, they’re moving the United States in a more libertarian direction in many important areas, such as foreign policy (only 57 percent of Americans in 2023 believed America should take an “active part” in foreign affairs, compared with 71 percent in 2002), drug legalization, and the inspiring expansion of school choice and educational freedom for children and parents across the country. It’s too bad the party is not participating in this peaceful revolution, instead choosing to focus primarily on culture war issues.

Cato libertarians have always operated outside of the political system. We do not support politicians or political parties. However, we stand ready as always to work with Republican or Democratic policymakers and administrations when we share common ground and objectives. And we will oppose them when we disagree.

The founding principles of our nation that libertarians believe in — life, liberty and private property — are frequently at risk of being dismantled by government action. Standing up for those principles in an increasingly polarized and rancorous political environment is a lonely struggle. It’s about to get lonelier now that the political party pretending to be libertarian has transitioned to a different identity. It should at least have the decency to change its name, too.

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