After Brutal Executions, Will IDF Operations to Rescue Hostages Continue?

The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) announced on September 1 that they had recovered the bodies of six Israeli hostages from a tunnel in the southern Gaza city of Rafah, including the body of US citizen Hersh Goldberg-Polin. According to reports, the hostages were shot at close range multiple times, just days before they were discovered by the IDF.

Since the Hamas atrocities of October 7, when the terrorist group abducted 250 women, children, and men, the IDF has rescued or recovered the remains of 45 hostages from Gaza through military operations. These missions are morally and strategically imperative: Each hostage that Israel brings home weakens Hamas’ grip on the enclave, and brings us closer to the war’s end.

Since the November 2023 US-brokered ceasefire deal that saw the release of 105 hostages, Hamas has repeatedly refused subsequent ceasefire agreements and hostage proposals. Despite feverish diplomatic efforts by Israel and the United States, Hamas has not freed a single hostage from Gaza since the November deal.

With 97 hostages from the October 7 attacks reportedly remaining in Gaza and Hamas’ intransigence, the only way besides a deal to bring hostages back is through military operations. Since the November deal, the IDF has rescued or returned the remains of over a third of the remaining hostages in Gaza. The continued success of IDF rescue missions in Gaza is critical for several reasons.

First and foremost, Israel must bring the hostages home to begin the healing process from the trauma of October 7. The plight of the hostages is a scar on Israeli psyches, and Hamas uses them as weapons to torment Israeli society. Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar spent over a decade in an Israeli prison, and speaks Hebrew fluently; he understands Israelis well and knows how to get under their skin. By releasing hostage videos at strategic moments and spreading misinformation about the hostage negotiations, Sinwar is intentionally antagonizing Israelis.

Second, ending the hostage crisis is a strategic imperative for the IDF. Since October 8, the IDF has been fighting an active kinetic war on at least seven fronts. After failing so terribly to save the 1,200 men, women, and children killed on October 7, the IDF cannot fully focus its attention on other fronts — or a potential wider regional war that might be launched by Hezbollah or Iran — until it completes the mission in Gaza and brings the hostages home.

Third, military rescue operations are tactically important because each hostage who comes home deprives Sinwar of physical protection. For 10 months, Sinwar has been hiding in tunnels and terror hideouts above ground, reportedly surrounded by living hostages. The hostages serve as a life insurance policy for Sinwar, who understands that Israel is unlikely to make an attempt on his life while he uses hostages as a human shield.

Finally, the IDF’s return of hostages deprives Sinwar of precious bargaining leverage in the hostage negotiations. Sinwar has demanded the release of Hamas terrorists from Israeli jails in exchange for the hostages — and that Hamas remain in power in the Gaza Strip after the war (something that most Israelis, and even Vice President Kamala Harris now oppose).

Multiple Palestinian prisoners that were released in the November deal have already returned to terrorism. Sinwar himself was released from prison in a hostage for prisoner deal in 2011 when over 1,000 terrorists were released from Israeli prisons in exchange for one Israeli soldier, Gilad Shalit. Without hostages, Sinwar has fewer negotiating chips to make such demands.

There is no denying that a negotiated deal is by far and away the best option for bringing home the hostages. After all, IDF military operations have only returned 8 living hostages in ten months of war. However, in the absence of a deal, the IDF must push forward with intelligence collection and special operations to rescue and recover hostages, as these operations place additional pressure on Sinwar to finally accept a deal that ends the war.

The one complicating factor is that Israel’s past success in hostage rescue operations may give Hamas an incentive to murder Israeli hostages if they feel the IDF is close to freeing them. (Israeli forces were reportedly operating in the area near where the tunnel was found prior to the execution of the six hostages — and just one kilometer away from where a Bedouin Israeli hostage was rescued last week). It’s unclear if those past successes led Hamas to change its strategy, and execute hostages rather than letting them be rescued by Israelis.

But as long as Hamas insists it remain in power — which would put nine million Israelis at risk of kidnapping — and refuses to negotiate a deal with Israel, the US, and the international community, then Israel has no choice but to continue these operations.

To its credit, the Biden administration has reportedly provided Israel with special technology and intelligence for its missions in Gaza. However, the administration has also attempted to significantly limit IDF operations in Gaza, particularly in Rafah, where at least 9 hostages were held.

Any future administration should continue Washington’s support for Israel’s recovery efforts in Gaza and back Israel’s right for full operational freedom in the enclave to return the hostages held by terrorists in Gaza, including several American citizens.

Enia Krivine is the senior director of the Israel Program and the National Security Network at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. Follow her on X @EKrivine.

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