REPORT OF THE TURKISH PARLIAMENT’S COMMISSION ON NATIONAL SOLIDARITY, BROTHERHOOD, AND DEMOCRACY
Introduction
Following the victory of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP/AK Parti) along with the Nationalist Action Party (MHP) in the 2023 presidential and parliamentary elections, on October 1, 2024, Dr. Devlet Bahçeli, the wise leader of the MHP, the party of Turkish nationalists, made a shocking announcement, proposing that Abdullah Öcalan, the founder of the PKK, who had been imprisoned since 1999, declare the dissolution of the terrorist organisation and speak at the pro-Kurdish DEM Party’s group meeting.
While this offer initially caused shock, over time, geopolitical developments in Syria revealed the need for Türkiye to establish a strategic dialogue with the PKK and the DEM Party to prevent Kurds from seeking alternatives outside of Türkiye. In this context, the 12th President, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, in support of Bahçeli’s statements, officially launched the “Türkiye Without Terrorism” or “Terrorless Türkiye” (Terörsüz Türkiye) process with his historic speech on July 12, 2025. Following this speech, the “National Solidarity, Brotherhood and Democracy Commission” (Milli Dayanışma, Kardeşlik ve Demokrasi Komisyonu) was established under the leadership of the Speaker of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA), Numan Kurtulmuş, with the participation of the political parties represented in the parliament except the Good Party (İYİ Parti).
While the commission continued its work, the PKK terrorist organisation, upon the call of its imprisoned leader Abdullah Öcalan, symbolically laid down its arms in July 2025 and declared its support for the process. In February 2026, the aforementioned commission published its report on this matter following an extensive study. This article will summarise this report.
The Report
The report, a short book of 110 pages, consists of seven sections in addition to the “Introduction” and “Conclusion” sections. These sections are: “Commission’s Work”, “The Commission’s Main Objectives”, “Historical Roots and the Law of Brotherhood Between Turks and Kurds”, “Areas of Agreement Among Those Heard by the Commission”, “The Dissolution and Disarmament of the PKK”, “Proposals for Legal Regulations Regarding the Process”, and “Proposals Regarding Democratisation”.
In the “Introduction” section signed by the Speaker of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, Numan Kurtulmuş, it is stated that this report, prepared with serious effort and consensus in the parliament, was prepared with the aim of ensuring social peace and national unity in Türkiye, and that this process is necessary to end the terrorism that has been a major obstacle to Türkiye’s development and democratisation for years. It is stated that this action is entirely in Türkiye’s interest in a period of increasing geopolitical risks and global powers attempting to destabilise the region, and that the commission is aware of the historic work it is undertaking. In this context, it is also stated that a new model of peace and national unity, defined as the “Turkish Model“, will be described in this section.
In the first section, titled “Commission Work”, the efforts of politicians who sought to resolve the terrorism problem in the past are praised, and it is stated that Türkiye, which has lost tens of thousands of people to terrorism, now wants to reach a definitive conclusion and resolve the issue. This section emphasises that the process actually began not with MHP leader Bahçeli’s speech, but with President Erdoğan’s speeches in Ahlat and Malazgirt on August 25-26, 2024, and also highlights his Victory Day speech on August 30, 2024. Following these speeches, MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli’s historic statement is included, indicating that there is no disagreement among the ruling coalition’s components on this issue. It is noted that, in addition to the AK Parti, MHP, and DEM Party, the CHP also supports the process, and it is stressed that the commission has held meetings with the Minister of National Defence and the Head of the National Intelligence Organisation, acting in harmony with the state elite responsible for security. It was emphasised that the commission’s establishment under the auspices of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM), representing the will of the nation, and under the leadership of the TBMM Speaker, demonstrates its democratic legitimacy, and that the process is guided by a democratic, inclusive, and participatory approach. It was also stated that the commission operates with a “national” and “original” perspective and works to achieve the peace that the Turkish people deserve.
In the second section, titled “The Commission’s Main Objectives”, it is emphasised that the Commission’s primary goal is to completely eradicate terrorism, strengthen social integration, consolidate national unity and brotherhood, and achieve progress in the areas of freedom, democracy, and the rule of law. It is also stated that the Commission respects and adheres to the Republic of Türkiye’s founding philosophy, constitution, democratic functioning, and unitary state structure. The Commission emphasises its aim to create a new understanding, referred to as the “Turkish Model“, through its work. In this context, the main objective is to identify and implement the necessary administrative and legal regulations governing the reintegration of members of the terrorist organisation who lay down their arms, while protecting public order. In this regard, it is stated that Turkish-Kurdish ethnic relations need to be improved, explaining that this centuries-old brotherhood has been damaged by the terrorism process. In this context, it is explained that the Turkish-Kurdish-Arab brotherhood, as emphasised by President Erdoğan in his historic speech, is necessary for the peace of Türkiye and the region. It was stated that this process directly concerns the Turkish nation, and that those who have interpreted politics for many years through a security-oriented, statist lens have failed to solve this problem. Furthermore, it was emphasised that terrorism poses a significant threat to development and economic prosperity. Calculations revealed that terrorism causes between $140 and $240 billion in damage to the country annually, and it was argued that this process would also contribute positively to the Turkish economy. Finally, it was underlined that this process is crucial, especially for young people, in helping them look to the future with hope.
In the third chapter, titled “Historical Roots and the Law of Brotherhood Between Turks and Kurds”, it is first stated that the PKK problem is not merely a security issue, but a multifaceted and multi-layered problem. Despite the historical roots of Turkish-Kurdish brotherhood and the vast experience of governance developed by Turkish states from the Seljuk and Ottoman periods to the present day, it is noted that the “law of brotherhood” (kardeşlik hukuku) between the peoples has weakened during the period of terrorism, and that there is a desire to revive this concept. It is emphasised that the happiness of one cannot be built upon the suffering of another, and that efforts are being made to create a process where all segments of society—Turks, Kurds, Arabs, Alevis, and Sunnis—can be happy. In this context, emphasis is placed on shared values, such as those of Saladin Ayyubi, Nur al-Din Zengi, Sultan Alp Arslan, and Sultan Sencer, and on the need to develop common projects for a shared future based on a shared past. Finally, it is argued that implementing these projects will establish social peace.
In the fourth chapter, titled “Areas of Agreement Among Those Heard by the Commission”, it is emphasised that the research, based on content analysis of the transcripts of speeches and interviews in the commission, in line with the understanding of “brotherhood law“, reveals the strong will of different segments and their representatives to resolve this issue. From this perspective, “brotherhood law” is presented not merely as an abstract and emotional concept, but as a conceptual resource and strong foundation for the “Turkish Model“. In this context, it is also stated that there is a strong social consensus on this issue and that the process is not solely based on the elimination of the terrorist organisation but rather an attempt to create a “Turkish Model” through a holistic approach. Accordingly, it is noted that issues such as legal and administrative regulations and democratisation were also discussed, highlighting the importance of the matter.
The fifth chapter of the report, titled “The Dissolution and Disarmament of the PKK”, begins by emphasising that this process will be carried out seriously, based on the findings of the security forces, and then explains that it will continue with the necessary administrative and legal arrangements. The report highlights the reintegration of former terrorists who have transitioned to a disarmed state into society, emphasising the importance of education, employment, psychological support, development programs, and cooperation with civil society. In this context, the report explains its approach with the slogan “Protecting the honour of the Kurd and the pride of the Turk“.
In the sixth chapter, titled “Proposals for Legal Regulations Regarding the Process”, the report outlines the fundamental principles that will guide the legislative processes. According to the report, the power, experience, and representative structure of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM) are the strongest shield against provocations. The most important element in countering moves from within and outside is Türkiye’s pluralistic democratic structure. In this context, not only political elements but also different social groups and structures have been included in the studies. The commission’s important task is to determine the legal framework to manage the situation that will arise from the organisation’s disarmament process. In this context, as a result of the evaluations of the political parties in the Commission, the possibility of conducting studies and making regulations under the following headings has emerged:
1. Critical Threshold: The Disarmament of the Organisation: The most critical threshold in the process is the determination and confirmation by the state’s security units that the PKK terrorist organisation has laid down its arms with all its elements and has dissolved itself. The successful completion of the identification and verification process will not only mark the end of the armed organisation threat, but will also serve as a starting point for implementing the legal and policy framework required by the new situation. The identification and verification mechanism must operate in accordance with objective, measurable, transparent, and auditable criteria, and coordinate with relevant state institutions. There is a general consensus among all elements of the commission on the need to enact legal regulations during the organisation’s complete dissolution and the surrender and abandonment of weapons.
2. Legal Regulations to Strengthen Social Integration: In order to ensure the strengthening of social integration, a separate, independent, and temporary legal regulation is needed to manage the process and its aftermath, along with the disarmament. It is recommended that the independent law to be addressed alongside the disarmament process be comprehensive enough to completely eliminate the consequences of the disarmament process and to strengthen the ground for democratic politics. The law; The aim should be to reintegrate individuals who reject weapons and violence into society, to permanently end weapons and violence, and to bring the issue entirely to a legal and political level. In this regard, the law should not only focus on determining and defining the legal status of organisation members after they lay down their arms. The law should also aim for the fair, safe, and healthy integration of these individuals into society. The law should consider public conscience and social sensitivities, and its scope should be clear, comprehensive, and understandable, not open to broad interpretation.
3. Status of Organisation Members: It is considered that, along with the independent and temporary law mentioned above, a regulation can be prepared using provisions from criminal and penal law to address the situation of these individuals, and that legal action must be taken against them. Legal regulations should not create a perception of impunity or amnesty in society.
4. Social Integration: The goal of the ongoing process is for organisation members to undergo a transformation that allows them to adapt to the social order by laying down their arms. Therefore, the process should include preparatory work to help individuals adapt to public order and integrate into society, including measures to enable them to sustain their lives. The healthy progress of the social integration process necessitates an inclusive understanding and the formulation of policies grounded in a sense of justice and equality across all segments of society, and in the inclusion of every individual in the common future with equal opportunities. Improving economic and social opportunities should be a priority for increasing society’s capacity for adaptation. In this context, it is expected that investments made in the region so far, as well as economic and social programs, will continue to be developed, expanded, and enriched.
5. Monitoring and Reporting Mechanism: The law requires the creation of a mechanism within the executive branch to monitor and report on the process to which members of the organisation are subject. Through the identification and verification of this mechanism, the effectiveness of the implementations and the level of achievement of the objectives will be monitored. Thus, it will be observed whether the process is proceeding properly, and necessary measures can be taken without delay. In this context, the public will also be informed at every stage. Within the scope of the authority defined by law for the executive branch, coordination among public institutions and organisations should be ensured to ensure the effective implementation of the process. This is deemed necessary to concretise the procedures and principles for implementing the process through secondary regulations, to prevent confusion over authority, and to ensure uniformity in administrative practice. It is considered necessary for the Executive branch to submit the reports prepared on this matter to the Turkish Grand National Assembly.
6. Providing Legal Protection for Those Involved in the Process: It is proposed that those involved in the ongoing process, including those who participate in the meetings of the National Solidarity, Brotherhood and Democracy Commission and offer opinions, suggestions and evaluations, as well as those who take part in the Commission’s work and its officials, be provided with legal protection for their activities.
The seventh and final chapter, titled “Proposals Regarding Democratisation”, presents proposals related to democratisation. It emphasises that terrorism and violence are the most serious problems for democracy, and that this process will contribute to social cohesion. In this context, it is specifically stated that strengthening social cohesion does not mean shaping individuals around uniform thoughts and identities. It is argued that social cohesion will be strengthened in a structure that allows different views to coexist on the basis of shared democratic values, preserves pluralism, and maintains political competition. In this context, differences are seen as a source of richness rather than a source of conflict. The proposals made in this context are as follows:
1. Decisions of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) and the Constitutional Court: According to the Constitution of the Republic of Türkiye, there is no doubt that the decisions of the Constitutional Court are binding on the legislative, executive, and judicial branches, administrative authorities, and other institutions and individuals. Furthermore, the enforcement rate of the European Court of Human Rights’ decisions, whose compulsory jurisdiction Türkiye has accepted, is approximately 90%. The enforcement rate of Council of Europe member states is approximately 80%. Despite this high rate, the importance of full compliance with the decisions of the ECHR and the Constitutional Court is evident in reinforcing the rule of law in the Republic of Türkiye. Therefore, existing mechanisms to ensure full compliance with the decisions of the ECHR and the Constitutional Court should be strengthened, and new, effective mechanisms should be created. Within the framework of ensuring compliance with these decisions, it is recommended that obstacles arising from administrative actions and the judiciary’s functioning be removed.
2. Regulations Regarding Trial and Execution:
• It is recommended that the legislation on execution of sentences be reviewed in the context of the jurisprudence of the ECHR and the Constitutional Court of Türkiye, as well as the international conventions to which we are a party, and reconsidered on the basis that prioritises justice in execution.
• In particular, the execution processes of prisoners, including conditional release conditions and sentence lengths, should be addressed with a more just, equitable, and holistic approach within the framework of the universal principles of criminal law.
• The institution of sentence postponement should be evaluated, taking into account the fact that the right to life takes precedence over all other rights for sick and elderly detainees and convicts.
• The structure and decision-making processes of prison administration and observation boards should be reviewed, identifying shortcomings in practice.
• In line with the universal principles of law and the established jurisprudence of the ECHR and the Constitutional Court of Türkiye, care should be taken to ensure that trial without detention is the basis in all judicial processes. The legislation should be reviewed in accordance with the principle that detention is an exception, while adhering to the conditions for detention stipulated in the law.
3. Regulations Regarding the Expansion of Rights and Freedoms:
• Legislation should be reviewed with the aim of removing obstacles to the full and complete exercise of fundamental rights and freedoms, which are inherent, inviolable, and inalienable, and an indispensable part of human dignity.
• It is proposed that the Law on Meetings and Demonstrations be revised in a way that expands rights and freedoms while preserving the essence of the right.
• The Turkish Human Rights and Equality Institution should be restructured to increase its effectiveness.
• No non-violent act should be classified as a terrorist crime, and actions that should fall within the scope of freedom of expression should not be considered terrorist crimes.
• In this context, it is proposed that the Turkish Penal Code, the Anti-Terrorism Law, and related legislation be revised to strengthen freedom of expression within the framework of the principle of legal certainty.
• While effectively combating incitement to violence, hate speech, and terrorist propaganda, laws related to the press and broadcasting should be reviewed to ensure that all criticism, objections, and demands within legal limits are protected as an integral part of democratic life.
• Statements of opinion that do not exceed the limits of communication and are made for the purpose of criticism do not constitute a crime. Laws that, in practice, lead to results that restrict press freedom should be reviewed within the framework of the principles of legal certainty and predictability.
• In line with the principles of transparency, democratic participation, intra-party democracy, pluralism, and justice in representation; In accordance with Article 79 of the Constitution, it is proposed that a new Political Parties Law and new election laws be prepared through consensus among political parties, in order to regulate general judicial processes and election justice in line with the principles of certainty and legality.
• The institutional identities of political parties, which are indispensable elements of democratic political life, should be protected, and deficiencies and erroneous practices should be reviewed.
• The preparation of a Political Ethics Law is proposed.
4. Local Governments:
• It is possible to organise the administrative system in a way that is “more democratic and has a higher legal standard” in order to strengthen the foundation of democratic politics.
• It is proposed that the legislation be amended to ensure that the administrative oversight authority stemming from the Constitution is used in accordance with the requirements of a democratic society; and that in cases where the mayor is removed from office for reasons stated in the law, elections are held only by the municipal council.
The “Conclusion” section of the report summarises the Commission’s work once again, emphasising that the report aims to contribute to Türkiye’s peace and development.
Conclusion
In conclusion, this report has gone down in history as a well-intentioned political document prepared by the political parties in the Turkish Grand National Assembly. It should be emphasised that considerable effort was put into the report and that some concrete suggestions were identified. These should be carefully examined as issues on which the political parties contributing to the report agreed, and further detailed by expert academics. Our wish is for this process to be successfully completed and for Türkiye to become a more peaceful and prosperous country, serving as a model democracy for all Muslim societies.
Prof. Dr. Ozan ÖRMECİ